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Example Of Idiolect Essay Scholarships

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Idiolect definition

Definition of the noun idiolect

What does idiolect mean as a name of something?

noun - plural: idiolects

  1. the language or speech of one individual at a particular period in life
    • example. Forensic linguists, recognizing that no two people use language in exactly the same way, will examine the idiolect of an extortion letter to determine authorship.
    • lexical domain. Communicative Processes - nouns denoting communicative processes and contents
    • more generic terms. language / oral communication / speech / speech communication / spoken communication / spoken language / voice communication = communication by word of mouth
Alternative definition of the noun idiolect
  1. [linguistics ] The language variant used by a specific individual.
Printed dictionaries and other books with definitions for Idiolect

Click on a title to look inside that book (if available):

Digital Literary Studies (2014)

Corpus Approaches to Poetry, Prose, and Drama by David L. Hoover, Jonathan Culpeper, Kieran O'Halloran

A character's idiolect is the total set of linguistic choices made by the author for.

The Language of the New Testament (2013)

Context, History, and Development by Stanley E. Porter, Andrew Pitts

An idiolect is a dialect specialized to one person" ; (Vern Poythress, In the Beginning Was the Word: Language, A God—Centered Approach" [Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 2009], 62 n. 6). See also J. Lyons, Language and Linguistics: An Introduction.

Charles Dickens (2014)

by Steven Connor

An idiolect is the characteristic speech style of an individual. Like dialect, it is a set of background features of language, supposedly constant and permanent characteristics which distinguish a person linguistically. In its most sophisticated.

From Language To Communication (1999)

by Donald G. Ellis

An idiolect is a personal dialect that characterizes an individual, and many social factors contribute to the identifying features. We discuss idiolects more later. Linguistic Style A person's language style is a powerful marker of the participants in.

Rationalized Epistemology (1991)

Taking Solipsism Seriously by Albert A. Johnstone

Sellars is quite obviously right insofar as the claim is that the awareness one has of the determinate repeatables correlated to the classifications of one's own English idiolect is an acquired awareness. However, this fact is insufficient to rule out.

The Blackwell Dictionary of Western Philosophy (2008)

by Nicholas Bunnin, Jiyuan Yu

idiolect illusion, argument from. 328 rational scrutiny. These judgments are necessarily deceptive through distorting our understanding of social reality. Ideology, according to Marx, covers religion and all other forms of distorted consciousness.

Longman Dictionary of Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics (2013)

by Jack C. Richards, Richard W. Schmidt

idiolect gender, ethnicity, experience, and language proficiency. In postmodernism and feminist linguistics, identity is not seen as a constant but is viewed as unstable, fragmented, self-conscious, and constructed in interaction. In critical.

Dictionary of the Prague School of Linguistics (2003)

by Josef Vachek

Out of these units, every speaker has made a somewhat personal selection, nowadays called idiolect . An ingredient of Prague linguistics, explicitly formulated especially by M. Dokulil, has been the Saussurean opposition of the language.

A Dictionary of Varieties of English (2013)

by Raymond Hickey

idiolect. The languageofan individualas opposedto that of a group. idiom. A set ofwordswhichalways cooccur and where the meaning is not necessarily derived by concatenating the individual parts of the idiom, for example taking coals to.

Dictionary of Philosophy (2002)

Other articles

Foreignisms in your idiolect

UniLang Language Community • Forum

First, by foreignism I don't mean unwanted loanwords, but rather unconscious use of a grammar pattern belonging to a foreign language.

For example, I notice that in Greek, sometimes I end sentences with prepositions, like one would do in English. For instance: Οι προθέσεις δεν είναι κάτι που πρέπει να τελειώνουν οι προτάσεις με (Prepositions are not something sentences should end with ) instead of Οι προθέσεις δεν είναι κάτι με το οποίο πρέπει να τελειώνουν οι προτάσεις (Prepositions aren't something with which sentences should end).

In English, I use the comma the Greek way. I still not sure if I should put a comma before/after/at all with "and" or "but" or after vocatives.

"If you like your clause structure, you can keep your clause structure"

loqu Language Forum Moderator Posts: 11835 Joined: 2007-08-15, 21:12 Real Name: Daniel Gender: male Location: Sevilla [seˈβiʝa] (Andalucía), born in Cádiz [ˈkaði]

Hmmm to me, that only happens when I'm studying a language rather intensely. A few months ago, when I was learning Latin and spent like one hour a day translating it, I ended up building my sentences in Spanish with an SOV order People understood me but it was weird.

Apart from that, I also have trouble with comma usage in Spanish. Since I started learning German I "assumed" the German comma usage and apply it in Spanish. That means, I end up with incredibly long Spanish sentences without a single comma, which would be OK in German, but in Spanish it's weird.

Dir la veritat sempre és revolucionari.

Finnish is filled with all kinds of Indo-Europeanisms usually loaned from Swedish. For example, some people use the word "se" as a subject where it isn't really necessary. For example, "Se on hauskaa tulla huomatuksi" (= It 's nice to be noticed). To me this sounds extremely awkward and foreign but some people still say that.

Another thing that I've noticed becoming quite common is using the word "jos" in indirect question clauses even though in Finnish we just add "normal" (:D) questions after one another. "En tiedä, jos hän aikoo käydä täällä myöhemmin" (= "I don't know if he's going to visit later."). This sentence should be "En tiedä, aikooko hän käydä täällä myöhemmin".

I think there are a lot more but since the Finnish has a very long history of loaning words and grammar patterns, it's sometimes hard to tell which forms are "correct" Finnish and which are not.

[flag]fi[/flag] [flag]sme[/flag] [flag]et[/flag] [flag]fr[/flag] [flag]fr-qc[/flag]
Kas siis selle maa keel
laulutuules ei või
taevani tõustes üles
igavikku omale otsida?

The only example that I could think of is that sometimes I catch myself agreeing English adjectives with the nouns as it is always done in French. That is pluralizing the adjectives.

The indefinite s ariticles. Les articles indéfinis.

Then I catch myself writing a long clause before the main one, which is totally OK in French (to a point that it becomes a major headache when I do some translations). Yet I've been told to try to generally avoid it in English and put them after the main clause or somehow work it around to include it in the main clause.

Mostly punctuations. I take the English punctuation and apply it. well, everywhere, to my shame. Some punctuations like colon (:), hyphen (-) and semicolon (;) are never used in Korean (a professional editor told me), and I kind of try to avoid them. My comma and period use tend to follow the English pattern as well.

I ended up building my sentences in Spanish with an SOV order

That happens! I sometimes place the verb at the end of the sentence when I a relative clause write. usually after having German studied or read. p

Karavinka wrote:
That happens! I sometimes place the verb at the end of the sentence when I a relative clause write. usually after having German studied or read. p


So, everyone is waiting for you to say the verb, so they know what you're talking about.

Cherokee Indian STILL improving German.
Getting reacquainted with Swahili Msaada!
In no particular order
[flag]eo[/flag][flag]de[/flag][flag]es[/flag][flag]yo[/flag][flag]chr[/flag][flag]ru[/flag]

Sometimes, when speaking German I use a VSO word order, but I don't know from which language I copied this.

I ended up building my sentences in Spanish with an SOV order

That happens! I sometimes place the verb at the end of the sentence when I a relative clause write. usually after having German studied or read. p

It happened to me too a few times Having an infinitive at the end of a sentence sounds extra strange though because spoken Serbian isn't really fond of infinitives.

Plusquamperfekt wrote: Sometimes, when speaking German I use a VSO word order, but I don't know from which language I copied this.

Also, sometimes I overdo it with the passive voice and indirect statements. I believe this is an influence from Japanese, were agents can be left unstated easier than in Greek.

"If you like your clause structure, you can keep your clause structure"

Example of idiolect essay scholarships

An idiolect. from Greek idios ‘own, distinct’ + -lect as in dialect. [1] is the language or speech pattern of one individual at a particular period of life. [2]

The idea of individualistic, personal, or private languages has been discussed by philosophers such as Wittgenstein, [3] and linguists such as Chomsky.

Another definition of ‘idiolect’ is that of a "person's incomplete or erroneous grasp of their language, where this latter is inherently social." [4]

By way of example, this relatively well-educated teflpedia editor, brought up in a posh part of South West London in the 1960s, was unaware of the "brought" forms of the verb "bring" until coming across a list of irregular verbs - for EFL students - during his teacher training. His idiolect had the non-standard usage: bring. brang. brung.

See also [ edit ] References [ edit ]
  1. The Compact Oxford English Dictionary askoxford.com
  2. Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary
  3. ↑ Wittgenstein, L. (1953) Philosophical Investigations. translated by G. E. M. Anscombe, 3rd edition, 1967, Oxford: Blackwell
  4. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

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The Idiolect of Donald Trump - Scientific American Blog Network

The Idiolect of Donald Trump

I was recently invited to give a lecture on my research in Washington, DC. As a sociolinguist, I study the science of language in its social context. I began my lecture by describing the different ways that linguists subcategorize languages. Dialects, which most people are familiar with, are regional varieties of a language, like Texan or Midwestern English. But there are also ethnolects, associated with specific ethnic groups, like Chicano and Jewish English, and genderlects, which refer to the distinctive ways that women and men talk.

Then I introduced the term “idiolect.” Before I had a chance to define it, an audience member quipped, “Is that the way that idiots like Donald Trump talk?”

An idiolect is not the language of idiots, but an idiosyncratic form of language that is unique to an individual. No two individuals—not even family members living under the same roof—speak the exact same language. We all pronounce words slightly differently, have different inflections in our voices, and choose different words to refer to the same thing. After my speech, for example, I asked where I could find the “bubbler” (a relic of my Bostonian upbringing). My host showed me the way to the “water fountain.”

The audience member was right when he suggested that Donald Trump speaks an idiolect, because Trump is human. But in his case, the way he speaks produces strong reactions in his listeners—especially since his idiolect is accompanied by a larger-than-life (“yuuge”) personality.

As a linguist, my job is not to evaluate which idiolects are better than others. A central principle of linguistics is that no variety of a language is inherently better or worse than any other. All varieties, from what you hear on NPR to what you see in online responses to YouTube videos, exhibit patterns that linguists have spent decades documenting. But to say that all language varieties are equally valid systems of communication does not mean that they are equally valued in society.

And nowhere is the principle of idiolect evaluation more important than in politics, where we judge candidates almost entirely based on talk. Whether we are watching debates or interviews, or reading policy statements or tweets, everything we know about political candidates is filtered through a linguistic lens. And the type of language used—especially candidates’ idiolects in their public appearances—contributes to our evaluations of what I call their “presidential selves.”

Donald Trump’s idiolect has been at the heart of what many see as his enigmatic and disconcerting rise to front-runner status in the Republican primaries. The most common negative impressions of Trump’s idiolect I hear are: “He doesn’t make any sense.” “He uses a lot of small words.” “His speeches are non-substantive.” On the other hand, Trump has garnered many supporters who are drawn precisely to his message. Their impressions of his idiolect are phrased quite differently: he’s “authentic,” “relatable,” and “consistent.” He’s a “straight shooter” who “doesn’t mince words.”

So how does one idiolect produce such polarizing evaluations? It has to do with the precarious connections between linguistic form and meaning. The relationship between the two, as the anthropologist Elinor Ochs describes, is non-exclusive, indirect, and constitutive. Put simply, there are multiple meanings associated with any given linguistic feature, and the connection between form and meaning is a two-way street with a lot of roundabouts. For example, pronouncing tomato as “tomahto” can lead listeners to believe that you are British or that you are snooty. And if I happen to think that you are snooty, I may give your voice a British flair when I imitate you (“And then she ordered a bacon, lettuce, and tomahto sandwich!”), even if you’ve always pronounced your fruits and vegetables in the American way.

Whichever meaning is activated by a specific pronunciation, or any other aspect of your idiolect, has everything to do with context: Where are you? Who is your audience? What is your purpose? What image are you trying to project? These are factors that candidates are always taking into account as they put forth their presidential selves on the campaign trail. Tailoring their speech to the context, like when a candidate takes on a drawl while campaigning in the South, has been grounds for being labeled “inconsistent” or “fake,” as we’ve seen with Hillary Clinton, even though this type of linguistic accommodation is a perfectly natural feature of everyone’s idiolect.

However, linguistic explanations of social context fall short when explaining how one person’s idiolect can generate multiple contrasting meanings when everybody is watching the same speech. How does half of the population come away from the same event thinking Donald Trump sounded like a bumbling idiot, while the other half praises his performance as authentic and indicative of a strong leader?

An equally important factor in guiding idiolect evaluations is that of experiential context, which has to do with individual preferences based on our personal experiences with language. For example, while a working-class Italian-American dialect gives the impression of “mobster” to many, it gives me a warm, fuzzy feeling that I associate with my childhood.

As it relates to Donald Trump’s idiolect, let us take the frequent criticism that he is incoherent, which stems in part from his distinctive topic-shifting patterns in his speeches. Trump often introduces topics abruptly with non-substantive words (which linguists call “discourse markers”) like “so,” “you know,” or “anyway.” These are words that everyone uses in everyday conversation, and while they have little referential value on their own, linguists have shown that they play an important role in the organization of talk. In fact, without them, conversation sounds stilted and unnatural.

When Mr. Trump gives a speech, viewers notice his distinctive idiolectal use of discourse markers, which also give the impression that he is having an intimate conversation with individual voters rather than giving a prepared speech to a mass audience. This off-the-cuff, unrehearsed style also gives the impression that Trump is speaking for himself and not from a speechwriter’s script (a point he explicitly makes), which contributes to what his supporters describe as his “authentic,” “trustworthy,” and “relatable” character—all important qualities to cultivate in a presidential self. On the other hand, when others hear this same idiolect, they connect these conversational devices with social meanings like “casual,” “unreflective,” “unprepared,” and even “reckless”—certainly not qualities of an ideal presidential self.

What guides our impressions in one direction or the other is in part our personal experiences with language, and how we rank and connect values like “authenticity” and “seriousness” with language in our estimations of presidential candidates. However, research has also shown that voters’ evaluations of whether candidates’ speeches make sense depend on whether they already support a candidate. So while Donald Trump’s idiolect may help him win voters because of its appeal to “authenticity,” at another level it doesn’t matter: voters who like him for other reasons will find coherence in whatever he says and however he says it.

This view may seem overly deterministic, but it is important to keep in mind the context factor. While idiolects may play an important role in whittling down a field of candidates during the primary season, insofar as they work toward brand distinction among a multitude of candidates whose views are not substantially distinct, voters will likely be paying attention to other things in November, and may be recalibrating the values and language they deem most presidential.

The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.